{"id":20820,"date":"2024-07-30T12:05:59","date_gmt":"2024-07-30T10:05:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/new.thinktopaz.cz\/?p=20820"},"modified":"2025-01-24T11:31:24","modified_gmt":"2025-01-24T10:31:24","slug":"ondrej-filipec-a-lucie-tungul-upadek-demokracie-ve-stredni-evrope-a-role-vnejsich-akteru-systematicky-prehled-literatury","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/2024\/07\/30\/ondrej-filipec-a-lucie-tungul-upadek-demokracie-ve-stredni-evrope-a-role-vnejsich-akteru-systematicky-prehled-literatury\/","title":{"rendered":"Ond\u0159ej Filipec a Lucie Tungul: \u00dapadek demokracie ve st\u0159edn\u00ed Evrop\u011b a role vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f: systematick\u00fd p\u0159ehled literatury"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>N\u00e1sleduj\u00edc\u00ed text napsali politologov\u00e9 Ond\u0159ej Filipec a Lucie Tungul pro na\u0161i publikaci <\/em><a href=\"http:\/\/&lt;div class=&quot;_3d-flip-book  fb3d-fullscreen-mode full-size&quot; data-id=&quot;&quot;21278&quot;&quot; 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V posledn\u00edch letech z\u00edskalo toto t\u00e9ma nov\u00fd impuls v souvislosti s v\u00fdvojem v Polsku a Ma\u010farsku. C\u00edlem na\u0161eho p\u0159\u00edsp\u011bvku je prozkoumat hlavn\u00ed oblasti, kter\u00fdmi se zab\u00fdv\u00e1 odborn\u00e1 literatura zkoumaj\u00edc\u00ed vliv vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f na \u00fapadek demokracie v Ma\u010farsku a Polsku. Shrnujeme zji\u0161t\u011bn\u00ed, kter\u00e1 osv\u011btluj\u00ed omezen\u00fd dopad vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch instituc\u00ed, a p\u0159edstavujeme nab\u00edzen\u00e1 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed. Znalost odborn\u00fdch anal\u00fdz a doporu\u010den\u00ed je podtr\u017eena skute\u010dnost\u00ed, \u017ee \u00fapadek demokracie je v dlouhodob\u00e9m horizontu hrozbou nejen v Polsku a Ma\u010farsku, ale i v dal\u0161\u00edch zem\u00edch st\u0159edoevropsk\u00e9ho regionu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Kl\u00ed\u010dov\u00e1 slova:<\/strong>&nbsp;\u00fapadek demokracie, st\u0159edn\u00ed Evropa, podm\u00edn\u011bnost, instituce, vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>\u00davod<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Snaha zven\u010d\u00ed ovlivnit povahu a stabilitu re\u017eim\u016f nen\u00ed \u017e\u00e1dn\u00fdm nov\u00fdm fenom\u00e9nem. Jsou zdokumentov\u00e1ny stovky p\u0159\u00edpad\u016f, kdy se zahrani\u010dn\u00ed mocnosti nebo mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed organizace v momentu zv\u00fd\u0161en\u00e9 nestability re\u017eim\u016f jin\u00fdch zem\u00ed sna\u017eily zas\u00e1hnout do jejich dal\u0161\u00edho sm\u011b\u0159ov\u00e1n\u00ed: bu\u010f sm\u011brem k upev\u0148ov\u00e1n\u00ed a budov\u00e1n\u00ed demokracie, nebo k oslaben\u00ed demokracie a autorit\u00e1\u0159stv\u00ed (Shulman a Bloom 2012; Levin 2016, 2019). I kdy\u017e v\u00edme, \u017ee na demokratizaci i posunu k autorit\u00e1\u0159stv\u00ed maj\u00ed v reformn\u00edch zem\u00edch vliv jak dom\u00e1c\u00ed, tak vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed faktory, anal\u00fdzy posledn\u00edch let n\u00e1m uk\u00e1zaly, \u017ee tato souvislost je mnohem slo\u017eit\u011bj\u0161\u00ed, ne\u017e jsme si \u010dasto mysleli (Tolstrup 2014; Obydenkova a Libman 2015).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>P\u0159edpoklad, \u017ee vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i mohou ovlivnit proces demokratizace ve t\u0159et\u00edch zem\u00edch, nepop\u00edr\u00e1, \u017ee se jejich vliv na politick\u00fd v\u00fdvoj c\u00edlov\u00e9 zem\u011b jen z\u0159\u00eddkakdy st\u00e1v\u00e1 hlavn\u00edm hybatelem zm\u011bn a relativn\u00ed s\u00edla vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch z\u00e1sah\u016f se prom\u011b\u0148uje v \u010dase. Borzel a Lebanidze (2017) p\u0159esto tvrd\u00ed, \u017ee je t\u0159eba systemati\u010dt\u011bji uchopit nejen propojen\u00ed vlivu vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch a dom\u00e1c\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f, ale tak\u00e9 to, jak dom\u00e1c\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i podle sv\u00fdch politick\u00fdch a ekonomick\u00fdch z\u00e1jm\u016f vyb\u00edraj\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed spojence. Mus\u00edme dob\u0159e rozum\u011bt proces\u016fm, kter\u00e9 prob\u00edhaj\u00ed uvnit\u0159 t\u011bchto zem\u00ed, abychom l\u00e9pe pochopili jednotliv\u00e9 aspekty demokratizace, \u010di odklonu od n\u00ed. A\u017e pot\u00e9 zjist\u00edme, jak\u00e9 prom\u011bnn\u00e9 ur\u010duj\u00ed v\u00fdsledek, co jsou p\u0159\u00ed\u010diny a co n\u00e1sledky. Z\u00e1rove\u0148 pochop\u00edme, jak vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i p\u0159isp\u011bli ke kone\u010dn\u00e9mu v\u00fdsledku.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tento text se zab\u00fdv\u00e1 \u00fapadkem demokracie ve st\u0159edn\u00ed a v\u00fdchodn\u00ed Evrop\u011b se zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00edm zam\u011b\u0159en\u00edm na roli vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f v tomto procesu. Na\u0161\u00edm hlavn\u00edm c\u00edlem je shrnout hlavn\u00ed n\u00e1stroje a zp\u016fsoby, jak\u00fdmi vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i (prim\u00e1rn\u011b instituce Evropsk\u00e9 unie) p\u016fsob\u00ed na Ma\u010farsko a Polsko. P\u0159edstavujeme systematick\u00fd p\u0159ehled literatury k tomuto t\u00e9matu, kter\u00fd vych\u00e1z\u00ed z v\u00edce ne\u017e 200 zdroj\u016f, je\u017e jsme shrom\u00e1\u017edili v prvn\u00edch m\u011bs\u00edc\u00edch roku 2023 a je\u017e se zab\u00fdvaj\u00ed \u00fapadkem demokracie ve st\u0159edn\u00ed a v\u00fdchodn\u00ed Evrop\u011b. Do p\u0159ehledu jsme zahrnuli nejen presti\u017en\u00ed zahrani\u010dn\u00ed datab\u00e1ze, ale i zdroje vydan\u00e9 v \u010cesku, Ma\u010farsku, Polsku a na Slovensku.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Demokracie a vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Teze, \u017ee mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed rozm\u011br je pro demokratickou transformaci d\u016fle\u017eit\u00fd, propojuje dom\u00e1c\u00ed politiku s mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edm kontextem a analyzuje, do jak\u00e9 m\u00edry je mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed kontext d\u016fle\u017eit\u00fd \u2013 jak\u00fdm zp\u016fsobem a do jak\u00e9 m\u00edry vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i ovliv\u0148uj\u00ed dom\u00e1c\u00ed zm\u011bnu re\u017eimu v c\u00edlov\u00fdch zem\u00edch. Takzvan\u00e1 difuzn\u00ed literatura se zam\u011b\u0159uje na obecn\u00e9 region\u00e1ln\u00ed a glob\u00e1ln\u00ed okolnosti, kter\u00e9 ovliv\u0148uj\u00ed prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed demokracie (Pridham, Herring, a Sanford 1994; Linz a Stepan 1996; Kubicek 2003; Levitsky a Way 2005; Schimmelfennig a Sedelmeier 2005; Tolstrup 2014b), zat\u00edmco jin\u00ed badatel\u00e9 se zab\u00fdvaj\u00ed konkr\u00e9tn\u00edmi vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edmi akt\u00e9ry, mezi kter\u00fdmi v posledn\u00edch dvaceti letech v\u00fdznamnou roli sehr\u00e1la Evropsk\u00e1 unie (EU). Z\u00e1rove\u0148 auto\u0159i st\u00e1le v\u00edce poukazuj\u00ed na proz\u00e1padn\u00ed zkreslen\u00ed a za\u010dali se zab\u00fdvat nejen pozitivn\u00edm, ale i negativn\u00edm vlivem z\u00e1padn\u00edch demokraci\u00ed v\u010detn\u011b EU na prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed demokracie. Posledn\u00edm trendem je rostouc\u00ed pozornost sm\u011b\u0159uj\u00edc\u00ed na autokratick\u00e9 re\u017eimy a jejich mo\u017enou roli p\u0159i podpo\u0159e \u00fapadku demokracie nebo dokonce p\u0159\u00edmo prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed autokracie ve t\u0159et\u00edch zem\u00edch (Bogolomov a Lytvynenko 2012; Obydenkova 2022; Ademmer, Delcour a Wolczuk 2016; Ambrosio, Hall a Obydenkova 2022; Shyrokykh 2022a; 2022b).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Roli EU v procesu demokratizace zkoum\u00e1 literatura zab\u00fdvaj\u00edc\u00ed se evropeizac\u00ed. Evropeizace je obecn\u011b definov\u00e1na jako proces, v n\u011bm\u017e zem\u011b p\u0159ij\u00edmaj\u00ed \u0161irokou \u0161k\u00e1lu form\u00e1ln\u00edch i neform\u00e1ln\u00edch pravidel Evropsk\u00e9 unie (viz nap\u0159. Ladrech 2004; Ladrech 1994; Buller a Gamble 2002; Cowles, Caparaso a Risse 2001; Olsen 2002; Radaelli 2004; Schimmelfennig a Sedelmeier 2005; Bulmer 2008) a \u201enov\u011b definuj\u00ed sv\u00e9 z\u00e1jmy a chov\u00e1n\u00ed tak, aby odpov\u00eddaly po\u017eadavk\u016fm, norm\u00e1m a pravidl\u016fm vypl\u00fdvaj\u00edc\u00edm z \u010dlenstv\u00ed v EU\u201c (Featherstone a Kazamias 2014, 13). Aby tento proces p\u0159inesl k\u00fd\u017een\u00fd v\u00fdsledek v podob\u011b demokratizace, mus\u00ed b\u00fdt zapojen\u00ed EU (z\u00e1vazky, zdroje a legitimita) dlouhodob\u00e9, p\u0159edv\u00eddateln\u00e9 a d\u016fv\u011bryhodn\u00e9 (Risse a Babayan 2015). Z\u00e1sadn\u00ed roli v tomto procesu hraje dom\u00e1c\u00ed politika, tedy rozlo\u017een\u00ed sil ve spole\u010dnosti, relativn\u00ed s\u00edla a o\u010dek\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed vlivn\u00fdch dom\u00e1c\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f, spole\u010densk\u00e9 pom\u011bry a dom\u00e1c\u00ed bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed situace (Dandashly 2018; Risse a Babayan 2015). Dom\u00e1c\u00ed elity \u201eur\u010duj\u00ed, co EU dok\u00e1\u017ee\u201c (Dandashly 2018, 77). Spole\u010densk\u00e9 skupiny, jejich\u017e relativn\u00ed moc v dom\u00e1c\u00edm syst\u00e9mu EU zvy\u0161uje, mohou vyu\u017e\u00edt EU k pos\u00edlen\u00ed sv\u00e9ho postaven\u00ed v dom\u00e1c\u00edm syst\u00e9mu a k omezen\u00ed vlivu jin\u00fdch mocn\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f. Literatura zkoumaj\u00edc\u00ed europeizaci v\u0161ak st\u00e1le trp\u00ed zna\u010dn\u00fdmi mezerami. C\u00edlov\u00e9 zem\u011b jsou vystaveny mnoha vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edm i vnit\u0159n\u00edm sil\u00e1m p\u016fsob\u00edc\u00edm z\u00e1rove\u0148, jako je globalizace, \u010dlenstv\u00ed v mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edch organizac\u00edch, zm\u011bny ve\u0159ejn\u00e9ho m\u00edn\u011bn\u00ed, spole\u010densk\u00fdch norem, hodnot, p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010den\u00ed \u2013 a je obt\u00ed\u017en\u00e9 p\u0159esn\u011b identifikovat roli, kterou v tomto procesu hraje EU.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ve sv\u00e9 pr\u016flomov\u00e9 pr\u00e1ci Lavenex a Schimmelfennig (2011) navrhuj\u00ed t\u0159i \u00fahly pohledu na vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed podporu demokracie ze strany EU: vazby (<em>linkage<\/em>), n\u00e1tlak (<em>leverage<\/em>) a vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed (<em>governance<\/em>). Skrze vazby podporuje spole\u010densk\u00e9 podm\u00ednky vhodn\u00e9 pro rozvoj demokracie v\u010detn\u011b pomoci demokratick\u00fdm akt\u00e9r\u016fm; n\u00e1tlak je definov\u00e1n politickou podm\u00edn\u011bnost\u00ed, kter\u00e1 se objevila v 90. letech 20. stolet\u00ed a byla spojena s v\u00fdchodn\u00edm roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159en\u00edm; a kone\u010dn\u011b vl\u00e1dnut\u00ed m\u00e1 za c\u00edl podporovat demokracii prost\u0159ednictv\u00edm funk\u010dn\u00ed spolupr\u00e1ce v r\u00e1mci jednotliv\u00fdch politik a stalo se v\u00fdrazn\u011bj\u0161\u00edm se zah\u00e1jen\u00edm Evropsk\u00e9 politiky sousedstv\u00ed (EPS) EU na po\u010d\u00e1tku roku 2000. V\u00fdsledek vlivu EU, kter\u00e1 aplikuje v\u0161echny t\u0159i formy vlivu, z\u00e1vis\u00ed na pom\u011bru sil EU a region\u00e1ln\u00edch (neliber\u00e1ln\u00edch) mocnost\u00ed. Krom\u011b kredibility a legitimity EU jako akt\u00e9ra a dostate\u010dn\u00e9ho mno\u017estv\u00ed dostupn\u00fdch zdroj\u016f z\u00e1vis\u00ed v\u00fdsledek na mno\u017estv\u00ed a kvalit\u011b ekonomick\u00fdch a politick\u00fdch vazeb mezi c\u00edlov\u00fdmi st\u00e1ty a vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edmi akt\u00e9ry (EU\/neliber\u00e1ln\u00edmi mocnostmi).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Podle \u0159ady autor\u016f (B\u00f6rzel 2015; Risse a Babayan 2015; B\u00f6rzel 2015; 2015; B\u00f6rzel a Lebanidze 2017) je schopnost EU podpo\u0159it proces demokratizace vy\u0161\u0161\u00ed v zem\u00edch, kde se EU chov\u00e1 konzistentn\u011b a kde alespo\u0148 \u010d\u00e1st politick\u00fdch elit a aktivn\u00ed ob\u010dansk\u00e1 spole\u010dnost podporuj\u00ed demokratick\u00e9 reformy. Kl\u00ed\u010dov\u00fdm p\u0159edpokladem pro efektivitu podm\u00edn\u011bnosti EU, tedy schopnosti EU politikou cukru a bi\u010de prosadit zm\u011bny, je p\u0159\u00edtomnost prodemokratick\u00fdch sil, kter\u00e9 akceptovaly a p\u0159ijaly za sv\u00e9 liber\u00e1ln\u00ed hodnoty, a z\u00e1rove\u0148 jsou dostate\u010dn\u011b siln\u00e9, aby prosadily reformy a maj\u00ed dostate\u010dn\u00e9 zdroje na jejich implementaci. EU toti\u017e m\u016f\u017ee pomoci nejen liber\u00e1ln\u00edm sil\u00e1m, ale ne\u00famysln\u011b tak\u00e9 jejich protivn\u00edk\u016fm, kdy dojde k tzv. zk\u0159\u00ed\u017een\u00e9mu pos\u00edlen\u00ed (cross-over empowerment), \u010d\u00edm\u017e m\u016f\u017ee EU v c\u00edlov\u00e9 zemi oslabit, ale tak\u00e9 stabilizovat nebo dokonce podpo\u0159it neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed tendence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hned n\u011bkolik instituc\u00ed EU je zapojeno do evropsk\u00e9ho boje proti \u00fapadku demokracie. Studie v\u011bnovan\u00e9 jejich vlivu b\u011b\u017en\u011b za\u010d\u00ednaj\u00ed v\u00fd\u010dtem hodnot zakotven\u00fdch v \u010dl\u00e1nku 2 Smlouvy o EU a pak popisuj\u00ed, jak mechanismus jejich prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed \u0161patn\u011b funguje. Na druhou stranu uv\u00e1d\u011bj\u00ed mo\u017enosti&nbsp;<em>de lege ferenda<\/em>&nbsp;(podle budouc\u00edho z\u00e1kona) (Kochenov, Magen a Pech 2016; Pech a Scheppele 2017; \u00c1gh 2018; Theuns 2020), \u010dasto ve vztahu k \u010dl\u00e1nku 7 SFEU (Theuns 2020). Nejv\u00edce anal\u00fdz o vlivu instituc\u00ed EU na boj proti \u00fapadku demokracie v zem\u00edch EU se zab\u00fdv\u00e1 Evropskou komis\u00ed a Evropsk\u00fdm parlamentem, p\u0159\u00edpadn\u011b jejich komparativn\u00ed anal\u00fdze a rozd\u00edln\u00fdm postoj\u016fm obou instituc\u00ed k Polsku a Ma\u010farsku (Pech a Scheppele 2017; \u00c1gh 2018; Zamecki a Glied 2020).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>N\u00e1stroje Evropsk\u00e9 komise a jejich \u00fa\u010dinnost zhodnotila nap\u0159\u00edklad Sonja Priebus, kter\u00e1&nbsp; do\u0161la k tomu, \u017ee roste po\u010det n\u00e1stroj\u016f, kter\u00e9 se orientuj\u00ed na n\u00e1sledky, ale jen z\u0159\u00eddka se Komise soust\u0159ed\u00ed na \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed p\u0159\u00ed\u010din \u00fapadku demokracie (Priebus 2022). V souladu s t\u00edmto zji\u0161t\u011bn\u00edm jin\u00ed auto\u0159i tvrd\u00ed, \u017ee ne\u00fasp\u011bch \u00fa\u010dinn\u00e9ho postupu Evropsk\u00e9 komise je zakotven v samotn\u00e9 institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed povaze t\u00e9to instituce, kter\u00e1 je nam\u00edsto ideologick\u00e9ho pluralismu p\u0159\u00edli\u0161 sv\u00e1z\u00e1na technokratick\u00fdm legalismem. D\u016fsledkem je depolitizace procesu, kter\u00e1 Komisi svazuje ruce a poskytuje p\u016fdu pro populismus (Oleart a Theuns 2023). Pr\u00e1ce dokumentuj\u00edc\u00ed roli Evropsk\u00e9ho parlamentu (EP) se \u010dasto zab\u00fdvaj\u00ed vztahem mezi jeho ideologick\u00fdmi preferencemi a partikul\u00e1rn\u00edmi z\u00e1jmy. Ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee postoje EP k demokratizaci a \u00fapadku demokracie jsou ovlivn\u011bny ideologi\u00ed a stranickou afiliac\u00ed. Nap\u0159\u00edklad Meijers a van der Veer (2019) doch\u00e1z\u00ed k z\u00e1v\u011bru, \u017ee strany spojen\u00e9 (afiliac\u00ed nebo ideologicky) s Ma\u010farskem a Polskem se vyh\u00fdbaly kritice obou zem\u00ed v EP (Meijers a van der Veer 2019).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dostupn\u00e9 anal\u00fdzy opakovan\u011b ukazuj\u00ed, \u017ee ob\u011b instituce jsou kriti\u010dt\u011bj\u0161\u00ed k Polsku ne\u017e k Ma\u010farsku, proto\u017ee Polsko vn\u00edmaj\u00ed jako v\u00fdzna\u010dn\u011bj\u0161\u00edho akt\u00e9ra v EU. To stejn\u00e9 plat\u00ed i pro mezivl\u00e1dn\u00ed instituce. Peter Oliver a Justine Stefanelli poukazovali na v\u00e1h\u00e1n\u00ed Rady EU reagovat na \u00fapadek demokracie v Ma\u010farsku i Polsku (Oliver and Stefanelli 2016). Kochenov, Magen and Pech (2016) kritizovali, jak\u00e9 n\u00e1stroje Rada volila, stejn\u011b jako jej\u00ed malou iniciativu. I organizace mimo EU, kter\u00e9 se sna\u017e\u00ed bojovat proti \u00fapadku demokracie, nar\u00e1\u017e\u00ed na vnit\u0159n\u00ed p\u0159ek\u00e1\u017eky. Nap\u0159\u00edklad Ben\u00e1tsk\u00e1 komise (<em>Venice Commission<\/em>), expertn\u00ed org\u00e1n Rady Evropy, situaci v Ma\u010farsku a Polsku \u0159e\u0161ila opakovan\u011b, ale nesouhlas n\u011bkter\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f se j\u00ed nepoda\u0159ilo prolomit (viz nap\u0159\u00edklad Cameron 2020; Turkut 2021).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>V posledn\u00ed dob\u011b do\u0161lo tak\u00e9 k n\u00e1r\u016fstu z\u00e1jmu o podporu \u00fapadku demokracie ze strany neliber\u00e1ln\u00edch mocnost\u00ed \u2013 i kdy\u017e vhodn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed je asi mluvit o jejich snaze br\u00e1nit vlivu akt\u00e9r\u016f, kte\u0159\u00ed v t\u0159et\u00edch zem\u00edch prosazuj\u00ed liber\u00e1ln\u00ed demokracii (Burnell 2006; Obydenkova a Libman 2015; Tolstrup 2014a; Dragneva a Hartwell 2022; Risse a Babayan 2015; Vanderhill 2013; Kneuer a Demmelhuber 2020). V tomto ohledu je v Evrop\u011b hlavn\u00edm objektem z\u00e1jmu Rusko. Auto\u0159i zkoumaj\u00ed, jak Rusku (potencion\u00e1ln\u011b) p\u0159\u00edmo \u010d\u00ed nep\u0159\u00edmo p\u0159isp\u00edv\u00e1 k potla\u010dov\u00e1n\u00ed demokracie a\/nebo prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed autorit\u00e1\u0159sk\u00fdch tendenc\u00ed. Ambrosio (2007) nap\u0159\u00edklad tvrd\u00ed, \u017ee Rusko oslabuje liber\u00e1ln\u00ed s\u00edly v zem\u00edch, se kter\u00fdmi soused\u00ed, a k tomu vyu\u017e\u00edv\u00e1 t\u0159i typy strategi\u00ed \u2013 podporuje neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed re\u017eimy (B\u011blorusko), podkop\u00e1v\u00e1 demokratizuj\u00edc\u00ed re\u017eimy (Ukrajina) a prosazuje autorit\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 normy na mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed \u00farovni (\u0160anghajsk\u00e1 organizace pro spolupr\u00e1ci).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tolstrup (2009) proti tomu definuje rusk\u00e9 aktivity v tzv. \u201ebl\u00edzk\u00e9m sousedstv\u00ed\u201c Ruska dv\u011bma zast\u0159e\u0161uj\u00edc\u00edmi typy aktivit: politika \u0159\u00edzen\u00e9 stability, kterou aktivuje v zem\u00edch, kter\u00e9 nenastoupily na cestu demokratizace (nap\u0159\u00edklad B\u011blorusko, Arm\u00e9nie, \u00c1zerb\u00e1jd\u017e\u00e1n) a politika \u0159\u00edzen\u00e9 nestability, typick\u00e1 pro konsolidovan\u00e9 demokracie v evropsk\u00fdch integra\u010dn\u00edch struktur\u00e1ch, nebo zem\u011b, kter\u00e9 se jasn\u011b p\u0159ihl\u00e1sily k demokratick\u00fdm norm\u00e1m a hodnot\u00e1m a maj\u00ed z\u00e1jem o integraci se Z\u00e1padem (Moldavsko, Ukrajina). V politice \u0159\u00edzen\u00e9 nestability Rusko politicky, ekonomicky a medi\u00e1ln\u011b podporuje prorusk\u00e9 kandid\u00e1ty a tam, kde to je mo\u017en\u00e9, podporuje etnick\u00e9 konflikty a\/nebo separatismus (Tolstrup 2009; Obydenkova a Libman 2015). D\u00e1le se sna\u017e\u00ed zv\u00fd\u0161it ekonomickou z\u00e1vislost t\u011bchto zem\u00ed (v\u010detn\u011b finan\u010dn\u00ed destabilizace), a t\u00edm pos\u00edlit jejich ji\u017e panuj\u00edc\u00ed vysokou ekonomickou a politickou zranitelnost. V\u00fdsledn\u00fd pokles bezpe\u010dnostn\u00ed, politick\u00e9 a ekonomick\u00e9 stability, kter\u00e9 jsou \u010d\u00e1ste\u010dn\u011b d\u016fsledkem rusk\u00e9 podvratn\u00e9 aktivity vede a) k poklesu ve\u0159ejn\u00e9 podpory demokratick\u00fdch reforem a b) tyto zem\u011b se st\u00e1vaj\u00ed m\u00e9n\u011b stabiln\u00ed a pro vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edho pozorovatele (EU) m\u00e9n\u011b atraktivn\u00edmi adepty na integraci do z\u00e1padn\u00edch struktur \u2013 oslaben\u00e9 vyhl\u00eddky na p\u0159idru\u017een\u00ed nebo \u010dlenstv\u00ed do EU sni\u017euj\u00ed anga\u017eovanost EU v prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed jejich demokratizace a liber\u00e1ln\u00edch reforem a oslabuj\u00ed kredibilitu a vliv proevropsk\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f. P\u016fsoben\u00edm obou faktor\u016f kles\u00e1 proreformn\u00ed potenci\u00e1l a d\u016fv\u011bryhodnost Z\u00e1padu jako partnera (Ambrosio 2007; Tolstrup 2009; Obydenkova a Libman 2015).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>D\u00e1le bychom m\u011bli zm\u00ednit vliv dom\u00e1c\u00ed roviny na vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9ry, tedy jak si dom\u00e1c\u00ed elity (strategicky) vyb\u00edraj\u00ed spolupr\u00e1ci s vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edmi akt\u00e9ry podle sv\u00fdch politick\u00fdch preferenc\u00ed nebo podle odhadu sv\u00fdch \u0161anc\u00ed v dom\u00e1c\u00edm politick\u00e9m boji. Dom\u00e1c\u00ed faktory se jev\u00ed jako z\u00e1sadn\u00ed prvky, kter\u00e9 jsou pro obstrukce podpory demokratizace charakteristi\u010dt\u011bj\u0161\u00ed ne\u017e samotn\u00ed neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i \u2013 dom\u00e1c\u00ed politick\u00e1 situace ur\u010duje, jak c\u00edlov\u00fd st\u00e1t reaguje na podn\u011bty, kter\u00e9 p\u0159in\u00e1\u0161\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i usiluj\u00edc\u00ed o podporu demokratiza\u010dn\u00edho procesu, nebo naopak o jeho oslaben\u00ed, od koho z nich se rozhodnou p\u0159ijmout pomoc a v jak\u00e9 form\u011b (B\u00f6rzel 2015).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pokud demokratizace ohro\u017euje s\u00edly profituj\u00edc\u00ed ze st\u00e1vaj\u00edc\u00edho re\u017eimu a vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed pob\u00eddky jsou skrovn\u00e9, je \u0161ance na kvalitativn\u00ed zm\u011bnu re\u017eimu velmi n\u00edzk\u00e1. Protidemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly se mohou obr\u00e1tit na neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed re\u017eim, aby z\u00edskaly podporu v dom\u00e1c\u00edm soupe\u0159en\u00ed s liber\u00e1ln\u00edmi akt\u00e9ry \u2013 a mohou se tak rozhodnout bez aktivn\u00edho popudu vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edho akt\u00e9ra (nap\u0159. Rusko). D\u00e1le tak mohou \u010dinit, aby se vyhnuly politice podm\u00edn\u011bnosti, kterou na n\u011b vyv\u00edj\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed demokrati\u010dt\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i (EU). Demokratick\u00e9 i nedemokratick\u00e9 politick\u00e9 elity prim\u00e1rn\u011b sleduj\u00ed sv\u00e9 vlastn\u00ed geopolitick\u00e9 z\u00e1jmy, co\u017e se m\u016f\u017ee dostat do st\u0159etu se samotn\u00fdm procesem demokratizace, kter\u00e9mu nomin\u00e1ln\u011b vyjad\u0159uj\u00ed podporu. Konvergence nebo st\u0159et strategick\u00fdch z\u00e1jm\u016f demokratick\u00fdch a nedemokratick\u00fdch sil v takov\u00e9 chv\u00edli hraje kl\u00ed\u010dovou roli.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dal\u0161\u00edm bodem je reakce z\u00e1padn\u00edch demokraci\u00ed na aktivity neliber\u00e1ln\u00edch re\u017eim\u016f ve t\u0159et\u00edch zem\u00edch. Reakce EU z\u00e1vis\u00ed na dvou faktorech, mezi kter\u00e9 pat\u0159\u00ed region\u00e1ln\u00ed stabilita a strategick\u00fd v\u00fdznam neliber\u00e1ln\u00edho re\u017eimu (B\u00f6rzel 2015; Risse a Babayan 2015). Obavy z nekontrolovan\u00e9 migrace, terorismu, organizovan\u00e9ho zlo\u010dinu, energetick\u00e1 bezpe\u010dnost a ekonomick\u00e9 z\u00e1jmy mohou zp\u016fsobit, \u017ee ofici\u00e1ln\u00ed deklarace se m\u00edj\u00ed s re\u00e1lnou implementac\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 politiky. To podkop\u00e1v\u00e1 schopnost EU p\u016fsobit jako d\u016fv\u011bryhodn\u00fd akt\u00e9r prosazuj\u00edc\u00ed demokracii a vl\u00e1du z\u00e1kona (Lengger 2012; Dandashly 2018; B\u00f6rzel 2015; B\u00f6rzel a Lebanidze 2017). EU sama sebe definuje jako organizaci, kterou v\u00edce ne\u017e z\u00e1jmy poh\u00e1n\u00ed sd\u00edlen\u00e9 demokratick\u00e9 hodnoty, ale opakovan\u011b uk\u00e1zala, \u017ee je ochotn\u00e1 ustupovat rusk\u00fdm z\u00e1jm\u016fm a dokonce s Ruskem (a jin\u00fdmi neliber\u00e1ln\u00edmi re\u017eimy) spolupracovat, kdy\u017e danou oblast spolupr\u00e1ce pova\u017euje za v\u00fdhodnou (Youngs 2017; Casier 2020). Zm\u011bna tohoto p\u0159\u00edstupu obvykle nastane a\u017e ve chv\u00edli, kdy se dan\u00fd re\u017eim stane s\u00e1m o sob\u011b rizikem evropsk\u00e9 stability. Jakmile neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed re\u017eim p\u0159ekro\u010d\u00ed pomyslnou hranici mezi statutem quo a vysok\u00fdm bezpe\u010dnostn\u00edm rizikem, dilema EU, zda podporovat stabilitu i za cenu spolupr\u00e1ce s nedemokratick\u00fdmi silami, oslabuje.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>P\u0159edpoklad, \u017ee demokrati\u010dt\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i podporuj\u00ed demokratizaci a neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i ji oslabuj\u00ed, je tak zna\u010dn\u011b zjednodu\u0161uj\u00edc\u00ed. Nen\u00ed automaticky platn\u00e9, \u017ee demokracie prosazuj\u00ed demokracii a neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed akt\u00e9\u0159i j\u00ed aktivn\u011b br\u00e1n\u00ed (Tolstrup 2009; Wolff, Spanger a Puhle 2013; Obydenkova a Libman 2015). Prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed jednoho nebo druh\u00e9ho s sebou m\u016f\u017ee n\u00e9st ne\u010dekan\u00e9 v\u00fdsledky \u2013 m\u016f\u017ee pos\u00edlit nedemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly, kdy\u017e jim umo\u017en\u00ed vstoupit do politick\u00e9 sout\u011b\u017ee jako plnohodnotn\u00fd akt\u00e9r, nebo naopak liber\u00e1ln\u00ed prodemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly. Neliber\u00e1ln\u00ed mocnosti mohou p\u0159\u00edmo podpo\u0159it demokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly a z\u00e1padn\u00ed zem\u011b mohou \u00famysln\u011b podporovat nedemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly, pokud maj\u00ed pocit, \u017ee je to pro n\u011b samotn\u00e9 v\u00fdhodn\u00e9 (Risse a Babayan 2015). N\u011bkdy to naopak m\u016f\u017ee b\u00fdt v\u00fdsledek ne\u00famysln\u00fd. V literatu\u0159e se pro takovou situaci za\u017eil term\u00edn \u201eauthoritarian resistance\u201d (Way 2005; Levitsky a Way 2006; Ambrosio 2007; Burnell 2006), kter\u00fd zkoum\u00e1, za jak\u00fdch podm\u00ednek m\u016f\u017ee prosazov\u00e1n\u00ed demokracie v\u00e9st k opa\u010dn\u00fdm v\u00fdsledk\u016fm, nap\u0159\u00edklad jak se nedemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly v t\u0159et\u00edch zem\u00edch br\u00e1n\u00ed oslaben\u00ed sv\u00e9ho vlivu na \u00fazem\u00ed sv\u00e9ho st\u00e1tu i mimo n\u011bj. \u00damysln\u00e9 i ne\u00famysln\u00e9 d\u016fsledky je velmi t\u011b\u017ek\u00e9 identifikovat a analyzovat, proto\u017ee jen z\u0159\u00eddka se n\u00e1m poda\u0159\u00ed zjistit p\u016fvodn\u00ed motivace jednotliv\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f. Nezam\u00fd\u0161len\u00e9 d\u016fsledky nav\u00edc mnohdy akt\u00e9\u0159i prezentuj\u00ed jako pl\u00e1novan\u00e9 c\u00edle. V\u00fdsledkem chyb\u011bj\u00edc\u00edch dat jsou pak \u010dasto jen spekulace (Obydenkova a Libman 2015).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Nab\u00edz\u00ed se n\u011bjak\u00e1 \u00fa\u010dinn\u00e1 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Podle o\u010dek\u00e1v\u00e1n\u00ed spo\u010d\u00edv\u00e1 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed v kombinaci n\u011bkolika p\u0159\u00edstup\u016f. Aplikace sankc\u00ed mus\u00ed b\u00fdt doprov\u00e1zena podporou dom\u00e1c\u00edch demokratick\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f (De Ridder a Kochenov 2011). Jak uv\u00e1d\u00ed Theuns (2020), nebo Sedelmeier (2016) \u2013 je pot\u0159eba aplikovat z\u00e1rove\u0148 n\u00e1tlak i p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010dov\u00e1n\u00ed. Ob\u010dan\u00e9 c\u00edlov\u00fdch zem\u00ed by m\u011bli v\u011bd\u011bt, \u017ee jejich rozhodnut\u00ed mohou m\u00edt negativn\u00ed n\u00e1sledky (sankce) (Priebus 2022). Je tak\u00e9 dobr\u00e9 pomoci zem\u00edm zvl\u00e1dat p\u0159\u00edpadn\u00e9 krize, do kter\u00fdch se mohou dostat, proto\u017ee nezvl\u00e1dnut\u00e1 krize m\u016f\u017ee vytvo\u0159it vhodn\u00e9 prost\u0159ed\u00ed pro rozvoj populistick\u00fdch a protievropsk\u00fdch n\u00e1lad (\u00c1gh 2018). K tomu auto\u0159i doporu\u010duj\u00ed zv\u00fd\u0161it koordinaci postup\u016f a institucion\u00e1ln\u00ed reakce (Pech a Scheppele 2017). Jist\u00fd potenci\u00e1l le\u017e\u00ed i ve zv\u00fd\u0161en\u00ed efektivity pr\u00e1vn\u00edch n\u00e1stroj\u016f v procesu \u0159\u00edzen\u00ed o poru\u0161en\u00ed unijn\u00edho pr\u00e1va (infringement), i kdy\u017e s\u00e1m o sob\u011b tento krok asi nebude m\u00edt velk\u00fd dopad (Blauberger a Kelemen 2017).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>P\u0159i hled\u00e1n\u00ed \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed mus\u00edme m\u00edt neust\u00e1le na mysli, \u017ee nedemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly spolu vz\u00e1jemn\u011b spolupracuj\u00ed a svorn\u011b se sna\u017e\u00ed podkop\u00e1vat nadn\u00e1rodn\u00ed integraci a br\u00e1nit uvalen\u00ed sankc\u00ed na sebe i jin\u00e9 zem\u011b, u kter\u00fdch jsme sv\u011bdky \u00fapadku demokracie. Odkazov\u00e1n\u00edm jeden na druh\u00e9ho ospravedl\u0148uj\u00ed sv\u00e9 dom\u00e1c\u00ed kroky a \u00fato\u010d\u00ed na opozici a \u201edikt\u00e1t Bruselu\u201c (srov. Holesch a Kyriazi 2022). Nav\u00edc se jeden o druh\u00e9ho u\u010d\u00ed, jak posilovat svou moc a oslabovat demokracii (reforma soudnictv\u00ed, zvy\u0161ov\u00e1n\u00ed vlivu na medi\u00e1ln\u00edm trhu, zm\u011bna volebn\u00edch z\u00e1kon\u016f).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Z\u00e1v\u011br<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Je evidentn\u00ed, \u017ee reforma evropsk\u00e9ho prim\u00e1rn\u00e9ho pr\u00e1va by nep\u0159inesla \u00fa\u010dinn\u00e9 zm\u00edrn\u011bn\u00ed \u00fapadku demokracie v t\u011bch \u010dlensk\u00fdch zem\u00edch EU, kde jsme t\u011bchto proces\u016f ji\u017e te\u010f sv\u011bdky. Jedn\u00e1 se o komplexn\u00ed probl\u00e9m, kter\u00fd vy\u017eaduje dlouhodobou strategii a reformu aktu\u00e1ln\u011b dostupn\u00fdch n\u00e1stroj\u016f, proto\u017ee v sou\u010dasnosti nejsou vhodn\u011b vyu\u017e\u00edv\u00e1ny. To se t\u00fdk\u00e1 hlavn\u011b Evropsk\u00e9 komise, zm\u011bny postoje Rady, p\u0159\u00edstupu Soudu EU k \u0159\u00edzen\u00ed o poru\u0161en\u00ed evropsk\u00e9ho pr\u00e1va, ale i Evropsk\u00e9ho parlamentu, kter\u00fd by mohl b\u00fdt aktivn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed a pru\u017en\u011bj\u0161\u00ed. Krom\u011b v\u00fd\u0161e zm\u00edn\u011bn\u00e9 pot\u0159eby opr\u00e1\u0161it n\u00e1stroje, kter\u00fdm u\u017e instituce EU disponuj\u00ed, je nutn\u00e9 se zam\u011b\u0159it na dal\u0161\u00ed dv\u011b d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9 podm\u00ednky. Zaprv\u00e9, je pot\u0159eba zv\u00fd\u0161it sou\u010dinnost evropsk\u00fdch instituc\u00ed a jejich n\u00e1stroj\u016f spolu s pos\u00edlen\u00edm strategick\u00e9 komunikace, kter\u00e1 bude vysv\u011btlovat jednotliv\u00e9 kroky, a br\u00e1nit tak polarizaci a \u201ezp\u011btn\u00e9mu \u00faderu\u201c. Zadruh\u00e9, efektivn\u00ed \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed by vy\u017eadovalo odklon od technokratick\u00fdch \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed a p\u0159\u00edklon k politi\u010dt\u011bj\u0161\u00edmu p\u0159\u00edstupu, jen\u017e by s sebou nesl specifikaci standard\u016f, kter\u00e9 by dan\u00e9 zem\u011b musely plnit. Zat\u0159et\u00ed, jeliko\u017e nedemokratick\u00e9 s\u00edly v zem\u00edch jako je Ma\u010farsko a Polsko spolu spolupracuj\u00ed a vz\u00e1jemn\u011b se od sebe u\u010d\u00ed, je nutn\u00e9 jim m\u011b\u0159it jedn\u00edm metrem a uplat\u0148ovat stejn\u00e1 opat\u0159en\u00ed podm\u00edn\u011bnosti, tedy politiku \u201ecukru a bi\u010de\u201c, na v\u0161echny zem\u011b, kter\u00fdch se to t\u00fdk\u00e1. A nakonec za\u010dtvrt\u00e9, je t\u0159eba se v\u00edce zam\u011b\u0159it na m\u00e9n\u011b prob\u00e1dan\u00e9 oblasti, konkr\u00e9tn\u011b na nedemokratick\u00e9 vn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed akt\u00e9ry, hlavn\u011b na Rusko, a na vliv obchodn\u00edch z\u00e1jm\u016f.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Doporu\u010den\u00ed:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Evropsk\u00e1 komise by m\u011bla opustit sv\u016fj pr\u00e1vn\u011b-technokratick\u00fd p\u0159\u00edstup a m\u00edsto n\u011bj podporovat ideologick\u00fd pluralismus.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Kombinovat \u0161irokou \u0161k\u00e1lu p\u0159\u00edstup\u016f.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Doplnit sankce podporou dom\u00e1c\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Roz\u0161\u00ed\u0159it a prohloubit v\u00fdzkum o vliv nedemokratick\u00fdch akt\u00e9r\u016f, jejich\u017e aktivity se h\u016f\u0159e sleduj\u00ed, proto\u017ee jsou m\u00e9n\u011b transparentn\u00ed.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Zahrnout do v\u00fdzkumu \u00fapadku demokracie vliv obchodn\u00edch z\u00e1jm\u016f.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Pou\u017eit\u00e9 zdroje:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ademmer, Esther, Laure Delcour, a Kataryna Wolczuk. 2016. Beyond Geopolitics: Exploring the Impact of the EU and Russia in the \u201cContested Neighborhood\u201d.&nbsp;<em>Eurasian Geography and Economics<\/em>&nbsp;57 (1): 1\u201318. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/15387216.2016.1183221.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u00c1gh, Attila. 2018. Decline of Democracy in the ECE and the Core-Periphery Divide: Rule of Law Conflicts of Poland and Hungary with the EU.&nbsp;<em>Journal of Comparative Politics&nbsp;<\/em>11 (2): 30\u201348.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ambrosio, Thomas. 2007. Insulating Russia from a Colour Revolution: How the Kremlin Resists Regional Democratic Trends.&nbsp;<em>Democratization<\/em>&nbsp;14 (2): 232\u201352. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13510340701245736.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ambrosio, Thomas, Stephen G. F. Hall, a Anastassia Obydenkova. 2022. Sustainable Development Agendas of Regional International Organizations: The European Bank of Reconstruction and Development and the Eurasian Development Bank.&nbsp;<em>Problems of Post-Communism<\/em>&nbsp;69 (4\u20135): 304\u201316. https:\/\/doi. org\/10.1080\/10758216.2021.1979412.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Blauberger, Michael, a R. Daniel Kelemen. 2017. Can Courts Rescue National Democracy? Judicial Safeguards against Democratic Backsliding in the EU.&nbsp;<em>Journal of European Public Policy<\/em>&nbsp;24 (3): 321\u201336. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13501763.2016.1229357.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bogolomov, Aleksander, a Oleksandr Lytvynenko. 2012. A Ghost in the Mirror: Russian SoftPower in Ukraine. The Aims and Means of Russian Influence Abroad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>B\u00f6rzel, Tanja A. 2015. The Noble West and the Dirty Rest? Western Democracy Promoters and Illiberal Regional Powers.&nbsp;<em>Democratization<\/em>&nbsp;22 (3): 519\u201335. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13510347.2014.1000312.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>B\u00f6rzel, Tanja A., a Bidzina Lebanidze. 2017. \u201eThe Transformative Power of Europe\u201d Beyond Enlargement: The EU\u2019s Performance in Promoting Democracy in Its Neighbourhood.&nbsp;<em>East European Politics<\/em>&nbsp;33 (1): 17\u201335. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/21599165.2017.1280473.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Buller, J., a A. Gamble. 2002. Conceptualizing Europeanization.&nbsp;<em>Public Policy and Administration<\/em>&nbsp;17 (2).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bulmer, S. 2008. Theorizing Europeanization. In&nbsp;<em>Europeanization: New Research Agendas<\/em>, eds P. R. Graziano a M. P. Vink. London: Palgrave Macmillan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Burnell, Peter. 2006. Promoting Democracy Backwards. 28. Madrid. Dostupn\u00e9 na: https:\/\/wrap. warwick.ac.uk\/963\/1\/WRAP_Burnell_7270220-180609-promoting_democracy_backwardsnovember06.pdf<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Cameron, Iain Thorburn. 2020. The Role of the Venice Commission in Strengthening the Rule of Law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>SSRN Electronic Journal<\/em>. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2139\/ssrn.3650021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Casier, Tom. 2020. Not on Speaking Terms, but Business as Usual: The Ambiguous Coexistence of Conflict and Cooperation in EU\u2013Russia Relations.&nbsp;<em>East European Politics<\/em>&nbsp;36 (4): 529\u201343. https:\/\/doi.or g\/10.1080\/21599165.2020.1756784.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Cowles, M. G., J. Caparaso, a T. Risse, eds. 2001.&nbsp;<em>Transforming Europe: Europeanization and Domestic Change<\/em>. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dandashly, Assem. 2018. EU Democracy Promotion and the Dominance of the Security\u2013Stability Nexus.&nbsp;<em>Mediterranean Politics<\/em>&nbsp;23 (1): 62\u201382. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/13629395.2017.1358900.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dragneva, Rilka, a Christopher A. Hartwell. 2022. The Crisis of the Multilateral Order in Eurasia: Authoritarian Regionalism and Its Limits.&nbsp;<em>Politics and Governance<\/em>&nbsp;10 (2). https:\/\/doi.org\/10.17645\/pag. v10i2.4809.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Featherstone, Kevin, a George Kazamias, eds. 2014.&nbsp;<em>Europeanization and the Southern Periphery<\/em>. Routledge. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.4324\/9781315039855.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Holesch, Adam, a Anna Kyriazi. 2022. Democratic Backsliding in the European Union: The Role of the Hungarian-Polish Coalition.&nbsp;<em>East European Politics<\/em>&nbsp;38 (1): 1\u201320. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/21599165 .2020.1865319.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kneuer, Marianne, a Thomas Demmelhuber, eds. 2020.&nbsp;<em>Authoritarian Gravity Centers A Cross-Regional Study of Authoritarian Promotion and Diffusion<\/em>. London: Routledge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kochenov, Dimitry, Amichai Magen, a Laurent Pech. 2016. Introduction: The Great Rule of Law Debate in the EU.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;54 (5): 1045\u201349. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/ jcms.12399.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kubicek, Paul. 2003.&nbsp;<em>The European Union &amp; Democratization Reluctant States<\/em>. London: Routledge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ladrech, R. 1994. Europeanization of Domestic Politics and Institutions: The Case of France.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;32 (1): 69\u201388. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/j.1468-5965.1994.tb00485.x.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2014\u2014\u2014. 2004.&nbsp;<em>Europeanization and National Politics<\/em>. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lengger, M. 2012. The Review of the European Neighbourhood Policy \u2013 an Advocacy Coalition Explanation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Levin, Dov H. 2016. When the Great Power Gets a Vote: The Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions on Election Results.&nbsp;<em>International Studies Quarterly<\/em>&nbsp;60 (2): 189\u2013202. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/ isq\/sqv016.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2014\u2014\u2014. 2019. Partisan Electoral Interventions by the Great Powers: Introducing the PEIG Dataset.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Conflict Management and Peace Science<\/em>&nbsp;36 (1): 88\u2013106. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/0738894216661190.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Levitsky, Steven, a Lucan Way. 2005. International Odkazage and Democratization.&nbsp;<em>Journal of Democracy<\/em>&nbsp;16 (3): 20\u201334. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1353\/jod.2005.0048.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u2014\u2014\u2014. 2006. Odkazage versus Leverage. Rethinking the International Dimension of Regime Change.&nbsp;<em>Comparative Politics<\/em>&nbsp;38 (4): 379. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.2307\/20434008.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Linz, Juan Jos\u00e9, a Alfred C. Stepan. 1996. Toward Consolidated Democracies.&nbsp;<em>Journal of Democracy<\/em>&nbsp;7 (2): 14\u201333. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1353\/jod.1996.0031.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Meijers, Maurits J., a Harmen van der Veer. 2019. MEP Responses to Democratic Backsliding in Hungary and Poland. An Analysis of Agenda-Setting and Voting Behaviour.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;57 (4): 838\u201356. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/jcms.12850.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Obydenkova, Anastassia. 2022. Global Environmental Politics and International Organizations: The Eurasian and European Experience.&nbsp;<em>Post-Communist Economies<\/em>&nbsp;34 (5): 565\u201376. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.108 0\/14631377.2022.2028477.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Obydenkova, Anastassia, a Alexander Libman. 2015.&nbsp;<em>Autocratic and Democratic External Influences in Post-Soviet Eurasia<\/em>. London: Routledge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Oleart, Alvaro, a Tom Theuns. 2023. \u201eDemocracy without Politics\u201d in the European Commission\u2019s Response to Democratic Backsliding: From Technocratic Legalism to Democratic Pluralism.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;61 (4): 882\u201399. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/jcms.13411.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Oliver, Peter, a Justine Stefanelli. 2016. Strengthening the Rule of Law in the EU: The Council\u2019s Inaction.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;54 (5): 1075\u201384. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/jcms.12402.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Olsen, Johan P. 2002. The Many Faces of Europeanization.&nbsp;<em>JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies<\/em>&nbsp;40 (5): 921\u201352. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1111\/1468-5965.00403.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pech, Laurent, a Kim Lane Scheppele. 2017. Illiberalism Within: Rule of Law Backsliding in the EU.&nbsp;<em>Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies<\/em>&nbsp;19 (December): 3\u201347. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1017\/ cel.2017.9.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Pridham, GFM, E. Herring, a G Sanford, eds. 1994.&nbsp;<em>Building Democracy?: The International Dimension of Democratisation in Eastern Europe<\/em>. Leicester University Press.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Priebus, Sonja. 2022. 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The Venice Commission and Rule of Law Backsliding in Turkey, Poland and Hungary.&nbsp;<em>European Convention on Human Rights Law Review<\/em>&nbsp;2 (2): 209\u201340. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1163\/ 26663236-bja10028.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Vanderhill, Rachel. 2013.&nbsp;<em>Promoting Authoritarianism Abroad<\/em>. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Way, Lucan A. 2005. Authoritarian State Building and the Sources of Regime Competitiveness in the Fourth Wave: The Cases of Belarus, Moldova, Russia, and Ukraine.&nbsp;<em>World Politics<\/em>&nbsp;57 (2): 231\u201361. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1353\/wp.2005.0018.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Wolff, Jonas, Hans-Joachim Spanger a Hans-J\u00fcrgen Puhle, eds. 2013.&nbsp;<em>The Comparative International Politics of Democracy Promotion<\/em>. Routledge. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.4324\/9781315889870.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Youngs, Richard. 2017.&nbsp;<em>Europe\u2019s Eastern Crisis<\/em>. Cambridge University Press. https:\/\/doi. org\/10.1017\/9781316344033.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Zam\u0119cki, \u0141ukasz, and Viktor Glied. 2020. Article 7 Process and Democratic Backsliding of Hungary and Poland. Democracy and the Rule of Law.&nbsp;<em>On-Line Journal Modelling the New Europe<\/em>, 34: 57\u201385. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.24193\/OJMNE.2020.34.03.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Cel\u00fd text kapitoly ve verzi ke sta\u017een\u00ed naleznete zde: <a href=\"http:\/\/&lt;div class=&quot;_3d-flip-book  fb3d-fullscreen-mode full-size&quot; data-id=&quot;&quot;21333&quot;&quot; data-mode=&quot;fullscreen&quot; data-title=&quot;false&quot; data-template=&quot;short-white-book-view&quot; data-lightbox=&quot;dark-shadow&quot; data-urlparam=&quot;fb3d-page&quot; data-page-n=&quot;0&quot; data-pdf=&quot;&quot; data-tax=&quot;null&quot; data-thumbnail=&quot;&quot; data-cols=&quot;3&quot; data-book-template=&quot;default&quot; data-trigger=&quot;&quot;&gt;&lt;\/div&gt;&lt;script type=&quot;text\/javascript&quot;&gt;window.FB3D_CLIENT_DATA = window.FB3D_CLIENT_DATA || [];FB3D_CLIENT_DATA.push(&#039;eyJwb3N0cyI6W10sInBhZ2VzIjpbXSwiZmlyc3RQYWdlcyI6W119&#039;);window.FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE &amp;&amp; FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE.render &amp;&amp; FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE.render();&lt;\/script&gt;\"><div class=\"_3d-flip-book  fb3d-fullscreen-mode full-size\" data-id=\"21333\" data-mode=\"fullscreen\" data-title=\"false\" data-template=\"short-white-book-view\" data-lightbox=\"dark-shadow\" data-urlparam=\"fb3d-page\" data-page-n=\"0\" data-pdf=\"\" data-tax=\"null\" data-thumbnail=\"\" data-cols=\"3\" data-book-template=\"default\" data-trigger=\"\"><\/div><script type=\"text\/javascript\">window.FB3D_CLIENT_DATA = window.FB3D_CLIENT_DATA || [];FB3D_CLIENT_DATA.push('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');window.FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE && FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE.render && FB3D_CLIENT_LOCALE.render();<\/script><\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>N\u00e1sleduj\u00edc\u00ed text napsali politologov\u00e9 Ond\u0159ej Filipec a Lucie Tungul pro na\u0161i publikaci Shrnut\u00ed:&nbsp;\u00dapadek demokracie je p\u0159edm\u011btem v\u011bdeck\u00e9ho zkoum\u00e1n\u00ed ji\u017e n\u011bkolik desetilet\u00ed. V posledn\u00edch letech z\u00edskalo toto t\u00e9ma nov\u00fd impuls v souvislosti s v\u00fdvojem v Polsku a Ma\u010farsku. C\u00edlem na\u0161eho p\u0159\u00edsp\u011bvku je prozkoumat hlavn\u00ed oblasti, kter\u00fdmi se zab\u00fdv\u00e1 odborn\u00e1 literatura zkoumaj\u00edc\u00ed vliv vn\u011bj\u0161\u00edch akt\u00e9r\u016f na \u00fapadek [&hellip;]<\/p>","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":20821,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5,4],"tags":[106,127,94],"class_list":["post-20820","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktuality","category-publikace","tag-lucie-tungul","tag-ondrej-filipec","tag-stredni-evropa"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20820","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/8"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=20820"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20820\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":21334,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20820\/revisions\/21334"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/20821"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=20820"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=20820"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thinktopaz.cz\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=20820"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}